Alfred Nordmann

Institut für Philosophie, Technische Universität Darmstadt, 64283 Darmstadt, Germany
Philosophy Department, University of South Carolina, Columbia SC 29208


TUD: Tel. +49-6151-16-2197 / Fax +49-6151-16-3970

nordmann@phil.tu-darmstadt.de

http://www.philosophie.tu-darmstadt.de/nordmann/


Areas of professional specialization:

Philosophy, History, and Sociology of Science; Theory of Knowledge; Aesthetics (Theater and Film); History of Modern Philosophy; Kant, Peirce, Wittgenstein

Interest in Science Studies:

Areas - Chemistry in the 18th century; physics (esp. theories of electricity, mechanics) in the 18th and 19th centuries; evolutionary biology from 1830 to 1930; sociology at the turn of the 20th century; nursing science since 1960

Figures - Joseph Priestley, Antoine Lavoisier, Georg Christoph Lichtenberg, Benjamin Franklin, Heinrich Hertz, Charles Darwin, William Bateson, Max Weber

Issues - Historiography of science (what might be a 'science of science'?); conditions of communication, consensus-formation, and understanding (how are personal interests and parochial positions negotiated with claims to universality? how does science manage to achieve agreement on most controversial issues? how is objective knowledge possible?); the emergence of scientific disciplines (in which ways are scientists permanently engaged in defining what 'science' is?); the role of instruments and experiments in science (how do different role assignments testify to different alignments of nature, science, and culture?)

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Synopsis of Presentation:



Meeting of the Science Studies Group on Tuesday, February 6th, 1996. The presenters were David Willer (Sociology) and Alfred Nordmann (Philosophy). While David reserved the term 'science' for research within the context of an identifiable body of theory which involves the formulation of causal laws, the second presentation took his claim as an interesting phenomenon in its own right: what is at stake when we call something a 'science,' or 'scientific'? Here is a (doomed) attempt to provide a brief and detached synopsis of my own contribution.

I began by noting that recent developments in the history and philosophy of science have made it increasingly difficult to assume what 'science' is. Gone are the days of Logical Positivism where everyone understood that physics provides the best example of 'science' and that we could develop normative prescriptions (such as Popper's demarcation-criterion of 'falsifiability') which seem to fit much of recent physics and which may enable other disciplines to become 'scientific.' But if we don't know what 'science' is, what is the subject-matter of the history of science, the philosophy of science, the sociology of science? Obviously we don't want to approach our subject-matter with preconceptions that allow us to see and study only those practices which confirm our preconceptions! In my dissertation I developed the following suggestion (as a critique and further development of suggestions by Imre Lakatos): we should start with a very minimal, extremely comprehensive ('weak') conception of science, and then observe how the community of inquirers develops more exclusive and stronger conceptions of science.

What is that weak conception of science? In brief: any attempt to provide an explanation (very broadly conceived) raises certain issues, the negotiation of these issues is 'science.' More interestingly, how does the community of inquirers establish and maintain a more exclusive conception of science? In brief: by imposing (linguistic) 'discipline' upon itself, by determining what kinds of arguments are good and appropriate arguments as one negotiates the issues raised by proposed explanations. I discussed this using a fairly simple and straightforward example. After his basic ideas and insights, it took Darwin 30 years to write the Origin of Species because he had to frame evolutionary theory in such a way that evolutionary biology could be practiced without reference to metaphysics, theology, and politics, but from an empiricist point of view. In order to do so, he 'committed' evolutionary biology to gradualism (vs. saltationism - a restriction that has only recently been relaxed): he suggested that all evolutionary explanations can be discussed in terms of causes which are presently and continuously in operation. A community of scientists (even of sceptics and opponents) can now discuss this claim and might find, as many did, that the theory of Natural Selection cannot fully satisfy this condition. At this point, however, Darwin and his opponents are already united in a common pursuit and they are both accepting the fact of evolution as that which requires an explanation. The theological, political, metaphysical debates are by no means resolved, but a disciplined 'scientific' discourse is used to conduct this debate without direct appeal to 'external' motives and interests.

In our discussion of this we came upon another example: superstring theory as a 'theory of everything' questions the traditional boundaries between physics and mathematics and prompts debates about the true character and purpose of physics; and then there is David Willer's case: as he designs experiments, publishes his results, discusses the findings with friends and colleagues, David is always also (simultaneously) upholding a certain conception of 'properly scientific' sociology. The same is true, of course, for those outside his community who also defend and negotiate some idea of what they consider 'scientific' work.

By creating, modifying, and policing certain conceptions of 'science,' enquirers shape their own identity as scientists (whatever they do is an example of what they consider good science); they also establish the conditions under which understanding and communication and consensus are possible (Kuhn calls this 'normal science'); and they thereby make (publically maintained) civility a pre-condition of objectivity. These latter dimensions create philosophically interesting links to the work of Kant, Peirce, and Wittgenstein.

Have I published this account anywhere? Not really. You will find numerous case-studies, however, which exemplify my approach. A pair of articles provides most (technical) detail: 'Persistent Propensities: Portrait of a Familiar Controversy,' Biology and Philosophy, vol. 5, 1990, pp. 379-399; and 'The Evolutionary Analysis: Apparent Error, Certified Belief, and the Defects of Asymmetry,' Perspectives on Science, vol. 2, 1994, pp. 131-175. More enjoyable reading might be provided by 'Goodbye and Farewell: Siegel vs. Feyerabend,' Inquiry, vol. 33, 1990, pp. 317-331; and Community, Immortality, Enlightenment: Kant's Scholarly Republic. (Proceedings of the Eighth International Kant Congress, Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1995, vol. II, pp. 705-712.

Alfred Nordmann

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