PAGE 2
.
INTRODUCTION

This presentation offers a study of guilt and innocence in Hitchcock's work. My analysis relies on a sociological perspective inspired by Durkheimian sociology and the work of anthropologist Victor Turner.
 
My analysis will rely on some of Hitchcock’s most popular movies, such as Vertigo (1958), North by Northwest (1959), and The Birds (1963) as well as some of his less known films, such as Lifeboat (1944), Rope (1948) and Sabotage (1936).

I offer an interpretive analysis of visions of guilt and innocence in Hitchcock's films that refrains from psychologistic dream analyses and instead develop a uniquely sociological perspective. In terms of sociological focus, I will rely on the work of Emile Durkheim, one of the founders of modern sociology, and the anthropology of Victor Turner. I will apply insights from the 'auteur' perspective popularized through François Truffaut’s published interviews with Hitchcock and Hitchcock's ideal of 'pure cinema'.
 

Durkheim and Friends

The work of Emile Durkheim is centrally concerned with the question of social order. No society more than our own emphasizes the individual as the core unit of normative prescriptions on rights and responsibilities. How then, Durkheim and any other sociologist ask themselves, is social integration achieved? Durkheim argued that there has to be a normative force that individuals in a society accept as valid to enable further binding obligations and specifications of rights and duties.

In his work on religion and ritual, Durkheim (1912) studied the mechanisms by which societal norms are lived, how they are produced and reproduced. Religion, Durkheim argues, is not only a system of beliefs, it is also action, particularly ritual action. A central idea in Durkheim's work is that during ritual ceremonies the participating group is most consciously and most actively aware of itself as a group. The group is really the group --is only the group-- when it celebrates itself. Furthermore, through ritual practice the group’s cohesiveness, exemplified by the physical assembly and the focus on a symbol, is secured, lived, and maintained. The group is renewed, and the individual, as individual, which can only be as group member, is strengthened by participating in the ritual. Particularly because of the power of symbols a society is celebrated through rituals.

From Durkheim's work, sociologists have learned that rituals --small or momentous, temporary or enduring-- serve to re-enact central values and norms guiding society at large. A wedding, for example, is a matter that pertains to all of society. It details and celebrates fundamental norms of sexuality, gender, and life. A wedding is not about the love between two people, but about the adoration of society for itself.
 

I love you... You love me.
WE ALL LOVE SOCIETY!


Extending the Durkheimian Circle

Durkheim's outlook forcefully argues for the societal constitution and re-integrative functions of ritual. Yet, it tends to emphasize the social origins and consequences of ritual at the expense of an analysis of ritual enactment itself. This question, "what happens during ritual practice?," is central in the work of the anthropologist Victor W. Turner, who critically built on Durkheim's oeuvre (Deflem 1991).

Victor Turner developed a unique anthropological perspective of ritual that extended beyond Durkheim's emphasis on the re-integrative functions of ritual (Turner 1967, 1969, 1974). Turner defines ritual as "prescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical beings and powers." A symbol is the smallest unit of ritual which still retains the specific properties of ritual behavior.
 

Importantly, Turner identified a three-phased process of ritual. Building on the fact that a ritual exemplifies the transition of an individual from one state to another, Turner noted that between the states the ritual subjects are often secluded and spend time in an interstructural situation, characterized by Turner as liminality. During the liminal phase, the ritual subjects have a "no longer/not yet" status: the subjects are "neither here nor there; they are betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial" (Turner 1969:95).

Turner argued that the very essence of ritual performances was not, as Durkheim would have it, a celebration of the social order or social structure, but an attempt --successful, albeit only temporary-- to escape from the demands and functions of the structures of society in order to create communitas or anti-structure. Communitas is defined in opposition to structure. Social structure refers to the normatively proscribed arrangement of positions. Communitas refers to liminality, marginality, inferiority, and equality. The characteristics of the social structure are no longer and not yet applicable during the period of liminality in ritual and other forms of communitas. Ultimately, however, the fate of communitas is a "decline and fall into structure and law" (Turner1969:132), after which a new form of communitas may rise again.

 
I will develop the central argument of this presentation that the films of Alfred Hitchcock are to be conceived as rituals of liminality.
next page 

  previous page
Mathieu Deflem
DeflemM@yahoo.com
.
1. Preface 2. Introduction 3. Hitch's Case 4. Psycho 5. Doublure
6. Public Guilt 7. Private Guilt 8. Universal Guilt 9. Fear 10. Romance
11. Vertigo 12. The Birds 13. I Confess 14. Rear Window 15. Rope
16. War Films 17. Blackmail 18. Sabotage 19. Conclusion 20. Biblio
.
This page is part of Hitchcockonline.org.